Kansas Territorial
Sesquicentennial Commission
Territorial History
This
place we now call Kansas was "unorganized" territory prior to 1854.
It was the home of numerous Indian peoples including the Plains tribes
and less nomadic Indians such as the Kansas, Pawnees, and Osages. As
part of "Indian Country," this land was shared after 1830 with about
20 different tribes from east of the Mississippi River, resettled west
of Missouri under the federal government's Indian removal policy.
With the ever-increasing desire for further westward expansion, however,
the federal government commenced the negotiation of another Indian removal
in 1853. The U.S. Congress passed the Kansas-Nebraska Bill in May 1854.
By the fall of that year, the tide of Euro-American settlement was rolling
over the prairies of eastern Kansas -- displacing the native population.
These removed natural peoples were, in large measure, removed to lands
in the remaining Indian country which later became Okalahoma.
At mid-century, the sectional division within the nation was becoming
more and more pronounced. The Kansas-Nebraska Act, which repealed the
Missouri Compromise's ban on slavery in the northern portion of the
old Louisiana Territory, sought yet another compromise to facilitate
expansion. In the name of popular sovereignty, settlers themselves,
not the U. S. Congress, were to decide the slave question. To the chagrin
of Senator Stephen A. Douglas and other champions of this concept, the
"compromise" settled nothing; indeed, it exacerbated an already tense
situation by creating a competitive arena focused on the slavery question.
Immediately, partisans on both sides of the Mason-Dixon Line targeted
Kansas and the question whether it would be slave or free. As the settlers
came, this "Kansas Question" became the centerpiece of an emotionally
charged national debate. In the territory soon called "bleeding Kansas,"
the two sides squared off in a sometimes-violent contest. Many historians
have pointed to the events in Kansas at the time as the place where
the Civil War began.
A
substantial number of the early contestants came from the proslavery
state of Missouri. David Rice Atchison, Missouri's senior senator from
Platte City, and the brothers Stringfellow, John H. and Benjamin F.,
"urged their people to resist the abolitionist plot to surround their
state with free territory," and helped establish the proslavery town
of Atchison. Leavenworth was founded about the same time, and proslavery
partisans gained the early advantage. Soon, however, antislavery forces
organized to contest the area. The New England Emigrant Aid Company
and other groups formed to promote and support free-state settlement.
The first organized band of New Englanders arrived in the territory
in July 1854 and founded the city of Lawrence. Before the end of the
year, Cyrus K. Holliday and company established the present city of
Topeka.
Although Kansas has been referred to as a "child of New England," most
of Kansas' territorial settlers were not "Yankees." The majority came
neither from the "North" or the "South," but from the "border." Nearly
60 percent of Kansas' population hailed from the northern (Illinois,
Indiana, Ohio, etc.) and southern (Missouri, Kentucky, Tennessee, etc.)
border states. Most of these folks were more concerned about bettering
their economic situation and about available land rights than with settling
their nation's slavery question.
Likewise,
the territory's first governor, Andrew H. Reeder, could be characterized
as ambivalent with respect to the issue of slavery. Events would soon
force him to throw his lot with free state partisans, but upon his arrival
in 1854, he directed his energies toward the business of land speculation
and government. By early 1855, the first territorial census revealed
a population of 8,500. The governor called a legislative election for
March 30. On that day the infamous "Border Ruffians" appeared on the
scene, crossing the border from Missouri to "help" the legitimate electorate
make the "correct" political choices. The result was the so-called "bogus
legislature." The free-staters' belief that this Missouri-dominated
government was illegitimate led to the establishment of the Topeka movement,
a shadow government that adopted its own constitution and elected its
own legislature until its side took control of the federally recognized
government in the fall of 1857.
The political turmoil that emerged from the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska
Bill caused serious conflict in Kansas. At the national level, the perception
about what was going on in the territory was more important than the
reality. Eastern newspapers gave sensational attention to "Bleeding
Kansas." In fact, Kansas was not nearly so bloody as the appellation
implies, notwithstanding the violent exploits of abolitionist John Brown,
proslave sheriff Sam Jones, and others. The print media did, however,
fan the flames. The Kansas imbroglio changed the complexion of national
politics. The Republican Party emerged in 1854 to oppose the expansion
of slavery in the territories, and soon replaced the Whig Party as the
main opposition to the Democratic Party.
During the course of the Kansas struggles, two events of special significance
and involved the western territories occurred in 1857. Both had a profound
impact on the country's apparent inevitable journey toward civil war.
The first was the Dred Scott decision, handed down by the U.S. Supreme
Court on March 6. This ignoble ruling held that slaves were not citizens
of the United States, residency in a "free" state did not alter their
status, and that Congress had no authority to ban slavery in the territories.
The Missouri Compromise was therefore unconstitutional. The second 1857
event of note was the controversy surrounding the Lecompton Constitution
and Kansas' second constitutional convention. This convention was authorized
by the proslavery territorial legislature. It met at Lecompton in the
fall of that year. In December, the convention submitted a document
to the voters. The vote of the people was to be on a special slavery
article only: a choice between "the constitution with slavery"
or "the constitution without slavery." Because a vote "for
the constitution without slavery" meant Kansans could keep the
slaves they already owned, free-staters refused to participate, and
the "constitution with slavery" won 6,266 to 559. Months of
controversy followed, featuring a bitter national debate that split
the Democratic Party.
In
the meantime, however, Kansans elected a new free-state legislature
on October 5, 1857, ultimately defeated the Lecompton Constitution at
the polls, and wrote and ratified the free-state Wyandotte Constituton
in the summer and fall of 1859. As a matter of law, because of the Dred
Scott decision, slavery remained legal in Kansas Territory until admission
to the Union in 1861. By the time delegates assembled in Wyandotte,
however, the central issue was all but decided, so the decision to make
Kansas "free" was no surprise. To their credit, the delegates did not
adopt a clause excluding any racial groups from participation, but they
failed to remove "white" from several significant parts of the document.
Thus, the new constitution reflected the common prejudices of 19th-century
America in a racially "conservative" document. In other areas too, the
delegates moved forward cautiously for political and ideological reasons.
Women, for example, were not granted equal voting rights, but the Wyandotte
Constitution allowed them to participate in school district elections,
granted them the right to own property, and instructed the legislature
to "provide for their equal rights in the possession of their children."
The joy over the adoption of the Wyandotte Constitution and the imminent
prospects for statehood were tempered somewhat in late 1859 and 1860
by a severe drought and famine. The big day of admission to the Union,
January 29, 1861, was clouded by the prospects of war on the national
horizon. The battle for Kansas was finally over, but the conflict, which
for the past six years had caused bleeding in Kansas, now engulfed an
entire nation.
Back to Kansas Territorial Sesquicentennial Commission
|